Slide Welcome to Vancouver’s Immigration Blog Practicing exclusively in the field of Canadian Immigration Law, I started Vancouver Immigration Law Blog to provide community resources and community support to those navigating Canada’s complicated immigration system. I am the Principal/Owner of Heron Law Offices, a boutique immigration and refugee law firm based in Vancouver and Burnaby, British Columbia. LEARN MORE Slide Visit My Firm Website - Heron Law Offices LEARN MORE Slide Follow Our Advocacy, Research, and Education Activities at Arenous Foundation LEARN MORE

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VIB STUDENT WEEK (Post 2): BRAVING THE FALLS – Canadian Immigration Challenges and Designated Learning Institutions

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Introduction

Without drowning out the metaphor, it is clear that the Canadian immigration environment that Citizenship and Immigration Canada’s Designated Learning institution (“DLIs”) find themselves in today is more akin to a huge waterfall than a calm ocean.

Over the past two years, DLIs have found themselves subject to increased scrutiny, tasked with greater and increased responsibility, and have been left arguably uncertain as to how to best advise international students (“International Students”) on their various Canadian immigration challenges. DLIs now have to answer to provincial educational authorities as well as the Federal government, all eager to ensure appropriate compliance. All this in the context of most student advisors (those that are not certified consultants or lawyers) being unable to provide advice but are required to provide updates on their International Students’ academic progress.

Heading into the Fall 2015 semester, student advisors for DLIs find themselves in a transitionary phase. The contours of the new International Student Program regime, now more than a year old, have gone through their obligatory hiccup phase.  The year-old regulations, for better or for worse, are now clearer and DLIs will be expected to communicate these regulations more clearly to students. While significant and positive ground has been made by the Immigration Consultants of Canada Regulatory Council (ICCRC) to put together the training and curriculum for Regulated International Student Immigration Advisors (RISIA), the certification program will not be done in time for the Fall. Many DLIs will still be left without adequate immigration legal representation.

 

Where I see this year going for International Students and DLIs

Whereas last year there may have been “school-hall passes” provided for individuals who were not actively pursuing studies (there have been quite a few interesting cases of U.S. day trips gone wrong) or enrolled in co-op programs where more than 50% of the curriculum was outside of the classroom, you can expect this to end. Schools may bare the overall brunt for not clarifying attendance policies or building non-compliant programs.

This year, possibly more than past years, International Students may have questions about the transition to Permanent Residency or how their programs may set them up for this transition later on. The Express Entry system has highlighted the challenges of International Students obtaining the requisite work experience to be selected under Canada’s economic immigration program. Seemingly harmless questions such as “should I try and get a work permit now and then apply to graduate school later?” or “should I transfer into another University’s online business program” may hold heavy immigration consequences for both applicant and advising institution.

This year, I predict that we will get some much needed clarification on some of the grey issues in International Student advising. These include concerns about distance learning, sick leaves, non-coop research gigs, and immigration status for students needing to make up courses or take extra credits.

I also predict that increasingly, International Students unhappy with immigration results will increasingly go to public forums (including the media) to voice their displeasure. Although the immigration challenges may be completely unrelated to the advice provided by the DLIs, there will likely be a presumption of institutional wrongdoing grounded in the fact students are paying a lot of money to attend classes. Advisors who did not advised (due to being unable to) or inadvertently providing immigration advice (when trying to provide information) may be on the hook for those mistakes.

 

What may DLIs do to protect the Fall?

As several schools begin their orientation sessions, it may be useful to seek professional advice (from a qualified consultant or lawyer) prior to distributing material containing immigration information/advice. Websites, for many DLIs now many months (and possibly years) old, should be updated accordingly. Proper disclaimers regarding general information and legal advice should always be prominently displayed. Proper, contemporaneous notes of all one-on-one immigration-related conversations are now a must.

One of the major challenges for DLIs is keeping up with the legislation. I have seen the materials for more than a few schools that is out of date (even if only by a few weeks). Individuals have approached me during consultations and I have had to tell them that the program is not open to Applicants and that they should keep themselves updated on regular basis as law and immigration policies can (and do) change that quickly.

Many DLIs may wish to invite consultants and lawyers to provide talks and assist in reviewing important program requirements and decisions. Many DLIs may fear working with nit-picky outside counsel, but their services may be invaluable. For example, I know of more than one case where an immigration representative in helping a failed applicant was able to inform a DLI as to the reasons why study permit refusal letters were being sent.

Other issues that immigration counsel may be able to advise on:

  • Will the distance learning portions affect the eligibility of International Students for Post-Graduate Work Permits?
  • Does the program I am offering still qualify for the immigration program the International Student is seeking?
  • Are their some programs or options that have not yet been provided to International Students?

Finally, DLIs should consider having an immigration strategy in place, in the case of a student who has been refused by immigration or receives negative information regarding their immigration status comes to the school’s attention. Too many chefs (advisors) in the kitchen, diagnosing immigration refusals may lead to very confused students and unnecessarily bureaucratic (and possibly public relations) nightmare for the school.

A final word

Like much of Canadian immigration legislation, the regulations in the International Student Program are challenging and can be counterintuitive to regular practice. Education remains a huge opportunity for Canadian institutions, both public and private, and building teams and strategies around better communicating with and competently advising International Students around Canadian immigration issues should be a priority.

 

 

 

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VIB Student Week (Post 1) – Distance Learning, Our Distant Understanding

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As we welcome the end of the summer, and Canada’s begins welcoming international students to its many world-class learning institutions, Vancouver Immigration Blog (VIB) will take an in-depth look at student-related Canadian immigration issues. This is student week! We hope students and institutions alike find this series particularly useful. 

What is Distance Learning?

With the recent news of several Niagara College student suing the Designated Learning Institution (“DLI”) for allegedly promising the ability to obtain Post-Graduate Work Permits (“PGWPs”) through their four-month transfer program, it is an appropriate time to study why Distance Learning is causing so much trouble.

Citizenship and Immigration has provided the following description of Distance Learning on their website:

Distance learning can be through e-learning, correspondence, or internet courses. Distance learning is a process by which technology is used in ways where the student does not have to physically be in the place where the teaching is taking place.

Since by definition distance learning does not require one to be in Canada, a study permit cannot be issued for this type of course. For example, if a foreign national authorized to work in Canada is prohibited from engaging in studies as per a condition of their work permit, they are allowed to engage in distance learning courses.

However, some distance learning courses include an in-Canada portion to the program (e.g., special tutorials or the writing of final exams). If the overall course of study is greater than six months, then the student requires a study permit for the in-Canada portion of the program, even if the in-Canada portion is less than six months. The duration of the study permit should be for the duration of the in-Canada portion only.

(emphasis in original)

The issue with this definition of distance learning is that in its attempt to be “catch-all,” it oversimplifies the much more complex world of curriculum design. Many schools, for reasons completely unrelated to immigration, have courses where Professors teach via virtual lecture, where students do not meet physically in class on a regular basis, or even where experiential-based learning is taught through field research. It is also not clear whether a program itself can be non-distance learning if it has only a few distance learning courses as constituent elements.

On the contrary, you can see that trying to carve out a too-narrow definition of distance learning can certainly open up the Canadian immigration system to abuse. Individuals who study in “distance learning” programs (without Canadian in-class components) can take these courses while working in Canada or even as visitors. Without rules and regulations around distance learning, arguably schools could design purely-economic motivated programs and avoid the study permit process altogether – leaving international students duped.

Complicating matters is the importance of a strong study permit scheme to our overall immigration regime. It that our strong educational institutions are one of our most attractive features to new immigrants. It is well-known that international student industry brings in to Canada at least $8 billion dollars a year (and this is just from old 2010 estimates). The common ratio is that 1 international student can cover tuition for 4 domestic students. Education attracts students and immigrants to Canada and with it, the next generation of young Canadian permanent residents and citizens.

It is important to note that this stage that for students who want to be in Canada, beyond merely the term of their study, rely on the PGWP, a program that allows graduates of Canadian institutions to obtain work permits equal (but no longer) than the length of their studies. This period of time provides the university graduate the period to gain the requisite skilled work experience to qualify for Canada’s economic immigration programs or obtain a provincial nomination. The PGWP can only be obtained once per international student, regardless of whether further academic degrees are obtained.

Taking a program of study by Distance Learning however, does not qualify one for Post-Graduate Work Permits. As stated by CIC on their website.

Distance learning

Students who complete a program of study by distance learning (from outside or inside Canada) are not eligible for the PGWPP.

As discussed earlier, this short policy position raises many questions. What if the program is a mixture of in-class courses and distance learning courses? Why does the PGWP definition use ‘program of study’ while the earlier definition of distance learning rely on ‘course.’

Complicating matters further, CIC says the following about educational programs with an overseas component (such as an exchange).

Educational programs with an overseas component

If a student completes a program of study that has, as part of the program, an overseas component, they will be eligible for this program as long as they earn a Canadian educational credential from an eligible institution.

According to this definition, arguably an individual could qualify for the PGWP through an overseas exchange course (if credits are earned in Canada), but taking a program of study domestically in Canada (where credits are similarly earned in Canada) would disqualify them.

This sort of defies logic.

How have Canadian Courts handled Distance Learning?

The simple answer is the Courts have not yet had to dealt with this issue directly.

In Dehar v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and
Immigration) 2007 FC 558, the applicant argued that the Officer’s position, that distance-learning was not considered to be attending a full-time, regular courses for the purposes of including the daughter as a dependent child, was unreasonable. Justice de Montigny ultimately did not address this issue, finding that the Officer’s use of an affidavit to change his initial written decision was unreasonable. However, the judicial review was dismissed on other grounds.

In Muhandiramge v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and
Immigration) 2009 FC 752, Justice Russell cited CIC’s old policy on Federal Skilled Worker credential assessment (which has now changed under Express Entry), which gave credit to distance learning courses.

These were the only two relevant case law references I could find.

Following the United States Model?

It appears Canada is not alone in its unclear laws and regulations surrounding distance learning. A Google search turned up several inquiries by individual with working holiday visas in Australia wondering if distance learning was permitted.

Arguably in Canada, where it is clear distance learning without a Canadian component greater than six months, is permitted, shows that we may be a step ahead of our Aussie compatriots.

However, south of the border in the United States, Distance Learning has been better defined by lawmakers.

Under the new U.S. Code of Federal Regulation: [8 CFR § 214.2 (f)(6)(i)(G)]), the following rules apply to nonimmigrant international students (Disclaimer: I am not a U.S. immigration lawyer, this is only my understanding based on independent research) (my emphasis added):

(G) For F-1 students enrolled in classes for credit or classroom hours, no more than the equivalent of one class or three credits per session, term, semester, trimester, or quarter may be counted toward the full course of study requirement if the class is taken on-line or through distance education and does not require the student’s physical attendance for classes, examination or other purposes integral to completion of the class. An on-line or distance education course is a course that is offered principally through the use of television, audio, or computer transmission including open broadcast, closed circuit, cable, microwave, or satellite, audio conferencing, or computer conferencing. If the F-1 student’s course of study is in a language study program, no on-line or distance education classes may be considered to count toward a student’s full course of study requirement.

I think this above definition is a mass improvement on the Canadian definition. It clarifies that a course that has some physical attendance requirements including examinations that are integral to the courses may be considered regular courses and not distance learning courses. It also provides a more specific definition of distance learning and by that definition, appears to exclude field studies or experiential-based learning from falling under ‘distance learning’.

A second arguable benefit of a definition like this is the immigration regulations can clarify when study permits are CLEARLY required. For example, it seems unreasonable to me that a school in Canada could skirt around the study permit rules by offering only distance courses. As mentioned earlier, such a program could also be very deceiving to international students who think they have a path to permanent residency.

Where to go from here?

Under the new Study Permit rules in effect since May 2014, CIC and the DLIs have established a line of communication. We know they are talking about key issues such as sick leaves and suspensions.

Distance Learning should be on top of the next CIC stakeholder meeting agenda list.

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AND… It’s Coming: Immigration Minister’s Broad ‘Authority for Negative Discretion’

Introduction

In an earlier blog post on Electronic Travel Authorizations (eTAs), I  wrote about my “theory” that Negative Discretion declarations under section 22.1 of Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA) would increase.

To recap, IRPA allows the Minister’s on his own initiative to declare that that a foreign national may not become a temporary resident for a period of up to three years if justified by public policy considerations.

I mentioned that this provisions is quite young and so far there have been no Federal Court case law on the topic that I can point to interpreting what those public policy considerations are.

It turns out that there are more, recent instructions that Citizenship and Immigration Canada (“CIC”) have put out on this particular IPRA provision.

Analysis of the New CIC Guidelines

In an online update last modified 17 July 2015, CIC has issued Guidelines for the Negative Discretion Authority that lay out what specifically is being targeted by this provision.

They are accessible here.

I have added emphasis below.

Promoting Terrorism, Violence, or Criminal Activity:

  • A foreign national who makes public statements or uses any means to broadcast, write, produce, publish or distribute material, including a website and public speaking, to express views which:
    1. promote or glorify terrorist violence;
    2. promote or glorify a listed entity under Regulations Establishing a List of Entities pursuant to the Criminal Code of Canada, Regulations Implementing the United Nations Resolutions on the Suppression of Terrorism or the United Nations Al-Qaida and Taliban Regulations;
    3. counsel, encourage or incite others to commit terrorist activity or terrorist violence;
    4. incite hatred that is likely to lead to violence against a specific group;
    5. promote, counsel, encourage or incite serious criminal activity.

This section is very #C51-esque with some language that mirrors very closely the Criminal Code amendments under that Bill.

What is interesting is that the wording of this possible group that Negative Discretion can be issued against is very broad. I can easily see bloggers and scholars, who express more extreme political views, to be potentially caught under this provision.  The already common-practice of “googling” or “researching” individual applicants (both through the Temporary Resident Visa and eTA process) will likely increase from Canada Border Service Agency’s (CBSA’s) side.

The “promotion and glorification” wording also seems highly problematic, especially in combination with no apparent standard of proof required for this negative discretion to be issued. Does sharing an ISIS video on a private blog count as promotion and glorification? Does writing a pro-Russian, anti-Ukrainian independence piece meet the requirement? Who is to be the judge of the ‘academic’ elements in the piece in the case it is scholarly work or the work of a journalist?

It is very possible under this provision, we could be preventing a journalist like a foreign national equivalent of Mohamed Fahmy from coming to Canada.

On a different note, I query whether this provision could also be used to keep individuals such as Daryush Valizadeh, a.k.a. Roosh V out of Canada. Arguably, point 4 is triggered by a pick up artist who encourages the rape of women.

 

Foreign Nationals from Sanctioned Countries or Corrupt Foreign Officials:

  • A foreign national of a country against which Canada has imposed sanctions under the United Nations Act or the Special Economic Measures Act, where that foreign national is:

    1. a former or current senior official of the government of that country, or of any entity owned or controlled by, or acting on behalf of the government; or
    2. an associate or a relative of an official or person set out in paragraph (a).
  • A foreign national who is a politically exposed foreign person listed in regulations to the Freezing Assets of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act.

This section is in my analysis equally broad.

The countries that are covered under the first subsection (UN Act or Special Economic Measures Act) include the following:

Canada has imposed sanctions and/or related measures against the following countries:

You will note that these are among the countries that already have significantly lower TRV success rates.

Also, you will note in particular the Guidelines cover off associates and relatives in addition to the current or former official. It is interesting to note that relatives is not defined. Being a second cousin twice removed may be enough to catch you under the breadth of this section.

I think that the second bullet point of the Foreign Nationals from Sanctioned Countries or Corrupt Foreign Officials provision also will attract attention to individuals from country such as China.

This provision refers to the Freezing Assets of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act (FACFO Act), which itself is extremely far-reaching in its application. Section 2 of the FACFOA Act defines politically exposed foreign person as (emphasis added):

 

“politically exposed foreign person”

« étranger politiquement vulnérable »

“politically exposed foreign person” means a person who holds or has held one of the following offices or positions in or on behalf of a foreign state and includes any person who, for personal or business reasons, is or was closely associated with such a person, including a family member:

  • (a) head of state or head of government;

  • (b) member of the executive council of government or member of a legislature;

  • (c) deputy minister or equivalent rank;

  • (d) ambassador or attaché or counsellor of an ambassador;

  • (e) military officer with a rank of general or above;

  • (f) president of a state-owned company or a state-owned bank;

  • (g) head of a government agency;

  • (h) judge;

  • (i) leader or president of a political party represented in a legislature; or

  • (j) holder of any prescribed office or position.

In the case of China, you will possibly Negative Discretion declarations made under Subsection (f), particularly as we are seeing with the rise of fraud cases arising from the leadership changes and rule of law reforms in China. Parent of astronaut families should be careful moving forward with their business and political dealings (even those holding 10-year multiple entry visas).

Mitigating Risks to Public Health:

A foreign national who may introduce, contribute, or pose a risk to public health in Canada. This could include a foreign national who has been in a country with an unusual or unexpected and serious communicable disease with the potential for international spread and significant impact on the health of the Canadian population.

This provision is very interesting. Previously these types of situations were subject to Operational Bulletins, but it looks like the authority to prevent an individual from a country with major health/disease concerns is also widened by these instructions.

 

Where I See This All Going

Without being overly predictive of the results of the next election, should the Conservatives regain power and in line with the other reforms that are occuring, the use of the Citizenship and Immigration Minister’s ‘Authority for Negative Discretion’ will increase drastically.

This provision, against affects both Temporary Resident Visa applicants and eTA applicants. In fact, even holding a TRV or eTA may not exempt an individual from Entry requirements. I am aware that the CBSA is in the process of training Aircraft Carrier companies to provide information which will allow CBSA to trigger a last minute review of a possible Authority for Negative Discretion.

Information sharing is at the heart of this Government and this current Immigration Regime’s direction. It is too early to see how a provision like this would withstand some of our Charter rights, particularly Section 2 which applies to everyone (including temporary residents in Canada).

Which brings up a hypothetical question to conclude on: If I were a Muslim scholar studying religious independence with a family in Canada and no permanent resident status, would I think twice about writing a blog or giving a speech about my area of research?

I would.

I don’t think I should. But I would.

I think this, as a policy, is ultimately too broad to enforce. There is too much of a gap between the wording of an s.22.1(1) Negative Discretion Authority declaration and the proposed policy implementation.

Ultimately, I believe the laws will have to be re-written by the government to provide for more specifications as to when the provision can be applied, particularly as its effect is essentially the same of many exclusion orders and inadmissibility findings under IRPA.

 

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OPINION: Why Immigration is My Canadian Election Issue – Changing Our Attitude and Communication

Like many of my Canadian friends heading into the end of the summer, I am what the pundits would call an ‘undecided voter.’ Speaking very frankly, none of the three catch-all parties, have to this date won my votes on their policy positions.

For me, like many of my first and second-class Canadian friends, the policy issues that truly matter to me this 42nd Canadian election, are a product of the experiences in this country; for me, a country I know I have the unique privilege of having been born in. The environment, jobs, health, security are all issues that I am keenly aware concern several of my compatriots. Yet, fortunately, I have not run into any of these challenges on a personal level.

For me, it is the single policy issue of Canadian immigration that keeps me up at night. I say this not only because I spend 12 hours a day at work worrying about immigration for my clients, but also because I spend 24 hours worrying about this issue for the security of my family and my future children, who will have an immigrant parent.

Both Raj Sharma and Mario Bellissimo, in respective pieces here and here, have expertly laid out issues and views I strongly side with, in terms of the direction of Canadian immigration policy on both family and economic fronts.

Both cite family reunification as something that needs to be given more value and viewed as a greater economic opportunity. I completely concur. There is also clearly the need for more humanitarianism in our system. I applaud the current Harper government’s decision to open the door to more Syrian refugees, but I think regardless of the pending election, Canada must do more for refugees both domestically and abroad and act faster in responding to global humanitarian crises. Canada also needs to send clearer messages to foreign caregivers who bring invaluable services to Canadian families while carving out their new lives in Canada that they are an asset and not a liability.

However, I think what I want and many Canadians want from the next government is not a specific policy change. Increasing a quota from 5,000 to 8,000 will never full capture the demand that exists for our beautiful country. It is inevitable that people will be left on the outside looking in.

I think what we want is a general attitude change by our policymakers to better communicate with an issue that often trumps several other policy concerns that newcomers to Canada have.

A Little Parable – At the Chinese Visa Office

Many months back, I was applying for a visa to go to China to visit my girlfriend. Due to the unclear Chinese-translated wording on the forms and the uniqueness of my situation I’ll admit I made a bit of a mess of the forms. As I went to the front desk, confusingly pointing at what category I should be applying under, the friendly individual at the front desk kindly guided me through each question and told me to fix and sign next to my corrected answers. My final application form looked like the first draft of an immigration form I help my clients edit. After one last check I was told to come back Thursday to pick up my visa. Sure enough when I came in a week the visa was approved.

It is quite easy to say China is not a comparable and that with that many people seeking entry there is no way to process everybody’s application as thoroughly as we do in Canada. However, I want to drive home the point that if the world’s most populous nation can station helpful humans across the world to personally assist with immigration challenges, surely can we do more. Surely we realize how a functioning visa system can reflect on a nation’s attitude as a whole. It is for many the first point of contact for Canada. It is not good for system integrity or our nation’s reptuation, when applicants need to rely on change.com social media campaigns to have their mother’s attend their wedding.

Furthermore, refusals themselves are a major burden on the system. While some will follow the literal message of the refusal letters and “apply again when they qualify,” many will try to judicially review or appeal decisions, make expensive Access to Information and Privacy requests, flood the call centre, and write letters to MPs. I once had a colleague who once told me the cost per hour of conducting an ATIP request could pay several government workers. I am not sure if there’s a more up-to-date report on this issue, but we know that the issue is at least 15 years old.

A report on Canada’s visa system commissioned in 2013 made several recommendations in March 2014 including providing standardized letters of invitation and complete reasons for refusal to failed applicants. Neither of these recommendations have been acted on. Other suggestions such as providing short-term emergency visas secured by bonds have also not been acted on. The Government’s own Open Source figures, which do not include returned application, show a huge discrepancy against applicant’s from Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African countries. Yet little has been done to try and address these clear communication barriers between Applicant and Government.

The problem of communication extends beyond Canada’s visitor visa regime and is a microcosm of a larger communication challenge. The Express Entry system, in place since January 2014, replaces officer communication with mathematical algorithms that attempt to cookie cutter applicant lives without taking into account the necessary discretion provided by the laws themselves. In the Temporary Foreign Worker context, communication still occurs largely by unverified fax. Answers to seemingly two-second administrative issues take months and months of attempted communication and legal action to resolve. These all add up to costs and could all be saved by more human (or effective digital) communication.

Ultimately, had I applied for my Chinese visa under a system as uptight and rigid as the current Canadian system, I would have not been able to see my girlfriend. It would be unclear if that future family I dream about every night would even be able to materialize given it was my only permissible vacation in 9 months.

Better Communication and More Transparency

I think Canadians deserve to know the why of our immigration system. The why usually only comes out in a short paragraph in the Canada Gazettes that most of the time leaves those of us who study these laws closely quite unsatisfied. Canadians deserve to know why certain amount of parents and spouses approved every year. Canadians deserve to know why their family members cannot attend their weddings and funerals. Canadians deserve to know at the very least what the program requirements are of each program without having to rely on a user experience forum or a high-priced lawyer to figure out basic program eligibility questions.

What party can come out and say they will invest in immigrants and invest in increasing communication and transparency. My election vote will go to that party.

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My Value Proposition

My Canadian immigration/refugee legal practice is based on trust, honesty, hard-work, and communication. I don’t work for you. I work with you.

You know your story best, I help frame it and deal with the deeper workings of the system that you may not understand. I hope to educate you as we work together and empower you.

I aim for that moment in every matter, big or small, when a client tells me that I have become like family to them. This is why I do what I do.

I am a social justice advocate and a BIPOC. I stand with brothers and sisters in the LGBTQ2+ and Indigenous communities. I don’t discriminate based on the income-level of my clients – and open my doors to all. I understand the positions of relative privilege I come from and wish to never impose them on you. At the same time, I also come from vulnerability and can relate to your vulnerable experiences.

I am a fierce proponent of diversity and equality. I want to challenge the racist/prejudiced institutions that still underlie our Canadian democracy and still simmer in deep-ceded mistrusts between cultural communities. I want to shatter those barriers for the next generation – our kids.

I come from humble roots, the product of immigrant parents with an immigrant spouse. I know that my birth in this country does not entitle me to anything here. I am a settler on First Nations land. Reconciliation is not something we can stick on our chests but something we need to open our hearts to. It involves acknowledging wrongdoing for the past but an optimistic hope for the future.

I love my job! I get to help people for a living through some of their most difficult and life-altering times. I am grateful for my work and for my every client.

Awards & Recognition

Canadian Bar Association Founders' Award 2020

Best Canadian Law Blog and Commentary 2019

Best New Canadian Law Blog 2015

Best Lawyers Listed 2019-2021

2023 Clawbies Canadian Law Blog Awards Hall of Fame Inductee

Best Canadian Law Blog and Commentary 2021

Canadian Bar Association Founders' Award 2020

Best Canadian Law Blog and Commentary 2019

Best New Canadian Law Blog 2015

Best Lawyers Listed 2019-2021